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David Yassky, Brooklyn Law School, filed this brief with the US Court of Appeals, Fifth Ciruit, as amicus curiae with
52 amici co-signing, September 3, 1999, in US v. Emerson.
The Potowmack Institute's amicus brief and other briefs in this case are provided at
.../emeramic.html
The District Court's Opinion Memorandum is at
http://www.txnd.uscourts.gov/PDFs/emerson.pdf
Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to
keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." U.S. Const. amend. II. In United
States v. Miller, a unanimous Supreme Court held that the Amendment protects only
conduct bearing "some reasonable relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a
well-regulated militia." 307 U.S. 174, 178 (1939).
United States v. Emerson, Criminal No. 6:98-CR-103-C, slip. op. at 21-22 (N.D.
Tex. April 7, 1999) (hereinafter, "Slip. Op."). Relying instead on the work of a
small number of academic "individual rights theorists . . . [who] argue that the
amendment protects an individual right inherent in the concept of ordered liberty,"1.
1. The individual rights theorists label their account of the Second Amendment the
id. at 5, the District Court invalidated 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8) (the "Statute") without
any finding that the Statute interferes with the operation of states' militia. This
holding was erroneous.
framed and ratified it intended to prevent the new central government from
disarming the states' militia. Because the Statute has no effect on the militia, it does
not violate the Second Amendment.
of the Second Amendment. Following common usage, the framers of the Second
Amendment used the phrase "bear Arms" to refer to possession of weapons for
military use. The Amendment further specifies that its purpose is to protect the
states' "well regulated Militia."
importance, historians specializing in the Founding period have rejected claims made by the
Madison's first draft of the Amendment was expressly limited to arms related to
"military service"; Congress' revisions to Madison's draft focused the Amendment
still more sharply on protecting the militia; and debate surrounding the Amendment
concerned not "an individual right implicit in ordered liberty," Slip. Op. at 5, but
rather ensuring that states would have armed militia available as a counterweight to
any standing army established by the new federal government.
independent clause, 'the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be
infringed,' then there would be no question whether the right is individual in
nature." Id. at 6. That claim is deeply anachronistic; only a modern reader could
understand the phrase "bear Arms" in the Second Amendment as referring to
individual gun ownership unrelated to military use.
the original draft of the Amendment proposed in the First Congress by James
Madison: "The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a
well armed, and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country: but
no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, shall be compelled to render
military service in person." Creating the Bill of Rights: The Documentary Record
from the First Federal Congress 12 (Helen E. Veit, Kenneth R. Bowling & Charlene
Bangs Bickford eds. 1991) (hereinafter, "Documentary Record"). In the last clause
of this version (the conscientious objector provision), Madison clearly used the
phrase "bearing arms" to refer solely to the possession of weapons for military use.
It is implausible to contend, as the District Court implicitly does, that virtually the
same phrase "bear arms" should have a different, much broader meaning
elsewhere in the very same sentence.
echoed in other contemporary usages. See 6 Sources and Documents of United
States Constitutions 345 (William F. Swindler ed. 1976) (reprinting New Hampshire
Constitution of 1784: "No person who is conscientiously scrupulous about the
lawfulness of bearing arms, shall be compelled thereto, provided he will pay an
equivalent."); 1 The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of
the Federal Constitution as Recommended by the General Convention at
Philadelphia in 1787, at 335 (Jonathan Elliott ed., 2d ed. 1891) (photo reprint,
William S. Hein & Co. 1996) (hereinafter, "Elliott's Debates") (reprinting
constitutional amendment proposed by Rhode Island's 1790 ratifying convention:
"That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; . . . That any person
religiously scrupulous of bearing arms ought to be exempted upon payment of an
equivalent to employ another to bear arms in his stead.").
captive Americans to "bear arms against their country." 1 id. at 62. Searching a
Library of Congress database containing all official records of debates in the
Continental and U.S. Congresses between 1774 and 1821 reveals 30 uses of the
phrase "bear arms" or "bearing arms" (other than in discussing the proposed Second
Amendment); in every single one of these uses, the phrase has an unambiguously
military meaning. A Century of Lawmaking (visited July 29, 1999)
(http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query). The Continental Congress, for example,
approved a prisoner exchange with the British conditioned on the returned prisoners
being forbidden to "bear arms" for a specified period, id. (reprinting Journal of the
Continental Congress, Tuesday, Nov. 7, 1780, page 1030), and the Twelfth
Congress debated legislation concerning prisoners taken "whilst voluntarily bearing
arms in the service of Great Britain," id. (reprinting Journal of the Senate,
Wednesday, Feb. 17, 1813, page 264).
The Oxford English Dictionary defines "to bear arms" as meaning "to serve as a
soldier, do military service, fight." 1 OED 634 (J.A. Simpson & E.S.C. Weiner eds.,
2nd ed. 1989) (hereinafter, "OED"). It defines "to bear arms against" as meaning
"to be engaged in hostilities with." 2 id. at 21. As an exemplary use of the phrase in
1769, the OED gives "An ample pardon . . . to all who had born arms against
him," and the exemplary use from 1609 is "He bare arms, and made weir against the
king." Id; see also Garry Wills, To Keep and Bear Arms,
supra, (tracing etymology
of phrase bear arms and concluding that dominant meaning is military) ("To bear
arms is such a synonym for waging war that Shakespeare can call a just war 'just-
borne arms' and a civil war 'self-borne arms'").
the OED, the oldest established meaning of "arms" (other than as the plural of
"arm," meaning limb, and the now obsolete meaning of "armour, mail"), is
"[i]nstruments of offence used in war; weapons." 1 OED, supra, at 634. The
OED
quotes a 1794 dictionary: "By arms, we understand those instruments of offence
generally made use of in war; such as firearms, swords, etc. By weapons, we more
particularly mean instruments of other kinds (exclusive of fire-arms), made use of as
offensive on special occasions." Id. (emphasis in original).
"[t]he phrase 'bear arms' . . . has a military sense and no other . . . . A man in the
pursuit of deer, elk and buffaloes, might carry his rifle every day for forty years,
and, yet, it would never be said of him, that he had borne arms . . . ." Aymette v.
State, 21 Tenn. 154, 161 (1840) (interpreting Tennessee Constitution) (emphasis in
original); see also English v. State, 35 Tex. 473, 476 (1872) ("The word 'arms'
in
the connection we find it in the Constitution of the United States refers to the arms
of a militiaman or soldier, and the word is used in its military sense."); Hill v.
Georgia, 53 Ga. 472, 475 (1874) ("the language of the constitution of this state as
well as that of the United States guarantees only the right to keep and bear the
'arms' necessary for a militiaman"); State v. Workman, 35 W. Va. 367, 373 (1891)
("in regard to the kind of arms protected by the [Second A]mendment, it must be
held to refer to weapons of warfare to be used by the militia"); City of Salina v.
Blaksly, 72 Kan. 230, 233 (1905) (both U.S. and Kansas Constitutions "appl[y]
only to the right to bear arms as a member of the state militia, or some other military
organization provided by law"); Ex parte Thomas, 21 Okla. 770 (1908) (interpreting
Oklahoma Constitution) ("As the object for which the right to keep and bear arms is
secured is of general and public nature, to be exercised by the people in a body, for
their common defense, so the arms, the right to keep which is secured, are such as
are usually employed in civilized warfare"); In re Rameriz, 193 Cal. 633, 651-52
(1924) ("An examination of the numerous authorities in various states will show that
the right to keep and bear arms as guaranteed by a state constitutional provision
similar to the federal amendment refers only to the bearing of arms by the citizens in
defense of a common cause"); cf. Joel Prentiss Bishop, Commentaries on the Law
of Statutory Crimes 497 (1873) (Second Amendment "protects only the right to
'keep' such 'arms' as are used for purposes of war . . . since such, only, are
properly known by the name of 'arms;' and such, only, are adapted to promote 'the
security of a free State.' In like manner, the right to 'bear' arms refers merely to the
military way of using
them. . . .); Lucilius Emery, The Constitutional Right to Keep and Bear Arms, 28
Harv. L. Rev. 473, 476 (1915) ("The single individual or the unorganized crowd, in
carrying weapons, is not spoken of or thought of as 'bearing arms.'").2.
___________________________
2. The presence of the word "keep" in the Second Amendment does not change the
establishing a broad right to firearm possession unrelated to militia service, the
Second Amendment as the framers actually adopted it cannot be so read. "With
obvious purpose to assure the continuation and render possible the effectiveness of
such forces [i.e., the states' militia] the declaration and guarantee of the Second
Amendment were made. It must be interpreted with that end in view."
Miller, 307 U.S. at 178.
independent of the Bear Arms Clause. Without an independent meaning, the Well
Regulated Militia Clause must be read to qualify and elaborate the Bear Arms
Clause. To do otherwise as the District Court did would be to render the Well
Regulated Militia Clause "mere surplusage." Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 174
(1803). As the Supreme Court of Georgia put it, interpreting an analogous state
constitutional provision: "[T]he object of the clause is declared to be to secure to the
state a well regulated militia. Has this declaration no significance? Is the clause to
be interpreted without reference to it? On the contrary, by the well settled rules for
the interpretation of laws, as well as by the dictates of common sense, the object
______________________
3. This Brief will refer to the language "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the
and intent of the law is the prime key to its meaning." Hill v. Georgia, 53 Ga. at
476. In the District Court's reading of the Amendment, by contrast, the Well
Regulated Militia Clause has no effect or purpose.
sought only to create a right to "bear Arms" in connection with the states' "well
regulated Militia." Madison's initial draft ("The right of the people to keep and bear
arms shall not be infringed; a well armed, and well regulated militia being the best
security of a free country: but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms,
shall be compelled to render military service in person.") contained
not only early versions of the Well Regulated Militia Clause and the Bear Arms
Clause, but also a third clause concerning conscientious objectors. Documentary
Record, supra, at 12. This third clause, and the entire sentence as Madison wrote
it, is limited to the bearing of arms for "military service." If the Second Amendment
had been adopted as originally drafted by Madison, its scope would unmistakably
be limited to the possession of weapons for use in the militia.
deletion should not change our understanding of the remaining language. Those
who objected to the clause argued that allowing federal judges to define
conscientious objector status would usurp the states' prerogative to determine
militia eligibility. Id. at 182-84. Virtually all of the recorded debate in the First
Congress on what became the Second Amendment concerned the conscientious
objector clause, and no participant in the debate expressed any concern about
individuals being denied the right to gun ownership.
revisions to Madison's draft; each sharpened the Amendment's focus on assuring
the states' ability to maintain militia. First, Congress pushed the Well Regulated
Militia Clause to the front of the sentence; this deliberate rewriting shows Congress'
intention that the Amendment prevent threats to the militia, and not to arms
ownership generally.4 Second, Congress deleted "well armed" from the Well
_______________________
4. At the same time the congressional drafters switched the order of the clauses, they
Regulated Militia Clause; the phrase was redundant, because the "Arms" protected
by the Amendment were precisely those used by the militia. Third, Congress
replaced "country" with "State" in the Well Regulated Militia Clause, showing the
concern of the drafters to protect states against an overweening federal government.5
address concerns voiced in the debates over ratification of the Constitution in 1787
and 1788. Throughout these debates, Anti-Federalists charged that the proposed
_____________________
The first unusual comma between "Militia" and "being" forces the reader to search
for a verb for which "Militia" is the subject. That verb does not appear until "shall not be
infringed" near the end of the Amendment. The second unusual comma between "Arms"
and "shall" sets off the
5. A fourth change, making "A well regulated Militia, being the best security of a free
Constitution would permit the establishment of "standing armies in time of peace."
2 The Complete Anti-Federalist 375 (Herbert J. Storing ed., 1981) (reprinting
Brutus' Essay II, which appeared in the New York Journal of November 1, 1787)
(hereinafter, "Complete Anti-Federalist"). Anti-Federalists feared that a would-be
tyrant might use a standing army a corps of full-time, professional soldiers in the
pay of the President to impose his will on the nation by force. See, e.g., 3
Id. at
164 ("A standing army ... may be made a fatal instrument to overturn the public
liberties; it may be employed to enforce the collection of the most oppressive taxes,
and to carry into execution the most arbitrary measures. An ambitious man who
may have the army at his devotion, may step up into the throne, and seize upon
absolute power.") (reprinting The Address and Reasons of Dissent of the Minority
of the Convention of Pennsylvania To Their Constituents); 2 Id. at 58 (standing
army is "engine of arbitrary power") (statement by Luther Martin to Maryland
General Assembly); 1 Elliot's Debates, supra, at 380 ("once a standing army is
established in any country, the people lose their liberty") (statement of George
Mason at Virginia ratifying convention).
organized state militia would be available as a counterweight to any federal standing
army. To this end, they demanded a constitutional right to bear arms. See, e.g., 2
Complete Anti-Federalist, supra, at 341 (reprinting The Federal Farmer's Letter
XVIII) ("the Constitution ought to secure a genuine and guard against a select
militia by providing that the militia shall always be kept well organized, armed and
disciplined"); cf. The Federalist No. 46, at 299 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed.,
1961) ("Let a regular army, fully equal to the resources of the country, be
formed . . . still, it would not be going too far to say that the State governments with
the people on their side would be able to repel the danger."). Five state ratifying
conventions put these demands into formal proposals for constitutional amendments:
North Carolina: "That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that
Rhode Island: "That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that a
Virginia: "That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that a well
New Hampshire: "[N]o standing army shall be kept up in time of peace ...
arms broader than that connected to military service.6 Madison and the First
Congress deliberately avoided this formulation, instead choosing to track the other
four proposals, which explicitly linked the proposed arms-ownership right to the
militia.7
Amendment was intended to protect arms ownership for its own sake, or for any
purpose desired by the owner the ratification debates would be full of references
6. Of the five convention proposals, the District Court opinion quotes only New
7. While statements about drafters' intentions unavoidably involve speculation, the drafters
to the virtues of arms ownership, or to frontier-dwellers' need to protect themselves,
or to rural Americans' need to hunt game. That is simply not the case. The Anti-
Federalists offered no purpose for the Second Amendment other than the perceived
danger of standing armies. Jonathan Elliot's records of the debates in the ratifying
conventions contain at least 80 pages of discussion concerning standing armies and
the militia, 1 Elliot's Debates, supra, at 88, 371-72; 2 Id. at 96-99, 406,
520-522,
531, 536-37, 3 Id. at 378-94, 400-03, 405-31, 440-41; 4 Id. at 97-100, 214-15,
260-
62; 5 Id. at 127, 440, 443-44, 451, 464-67, 480, and not a single reference to the
need to bear arms for any purpose other than militia service. Similarly, the index to
Herbert Storing's The Complete Anti-Federalist the most comprehensive
collection of Anti-Federalist writings lists 76 references to "standing armies." 7
Complete Anti-Federalist, supra, at 94-95. That same index shows only 2
references to a "right to bear arms," 7 Id. at 9; both of these are descriptions of a
proposal by Anti-Federalist delegates to the Pennsylvania ratifying convention for an
amendment protecting the right to bear arms for, among other purposes, "killing
game." Again, this proposal was rejected both by the Pennsylvania convention
itself and by the drafters of the Second Amendment.8 Strengthening the militia and
8. The Pennsylvania proposal which is contained in one of the most important Anti-
guarding against the danger of a standing army were the purposes of the Second
Amendment, not enabling individuals to own guns for their own private ends.
right of all individuals to be armed by claiming that "under prevailing practice [at
the time the Second Amendment was adopted] the militia included all people," Slip.
Op. at 13, and proceeding to conclude that "[b]ecause all were members of the
militia, all enjoyed the right to individually bear arms to serve therein." Id. These
entirety as follows:
3 Complete Anti-Federalist at 151. This proposed amendment by itself refutes the District
claims contain two serious historical blunders.
Revolutionary-era militia service was universal. In addition to excluding women
and African-Americans, every state imposed numerous limitations on militia service
and firearm possession. Michael Bellesiles, Gun Laws in Early America, supra,
at
587. Pennsylvania enacted a stringent loyalty oath that disarmed "as much as forty
percent of the citizenry." Saul Cornell, Commonplace or Anachronism, supra, at
228.
in 1791 was not simply because they were American citizens, but because their
states had chosen to include them in the militia. The fact that Founding-era militias
included most white men does not mean that the Founders intended the Second
Amendment to benefit all men in their individual capacities.
was not simply a synonym for "all men." John Adams express
the distinction
between arms-bearer-as-individual and arms-bearer-as-militiaman:
a "militia" until they were organized by the state to serve the common defense. See
4 Elliot's Debates, supra, at 424 ("If we are, then, to govern the militia,
it must be such men as the particular states have declared to be militia.") (statement of Rep.
Williamson); see also Marguerite Driessen, Private Organizations and the Militia
Status, 1998 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 1, 7-8 ("[L]egitimate militias were organized by the
State. Being a member of a militia was not something an individual conferred upon himself.").9
specifically recognized that only the states had authority to "Appoint[] . . . the
Officers" of their militia"; individual citizens could not deem themselves militiamen.
9. Recognizing that the Second Amendment protects participation only in organized state
U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cl. 16. The text of the Second Amendment itself disallows
any equation between the militia and all American citizens in their individual
capacities. The Amendment does not use the simple word "Militia," but the phrase
"well regulated Militia."
four states sent their militia to quell Shays' Rebellion in Massachusetts. The
framers of the Second Amendment did not see Daniel Shays and his followers as
"militia" they were insurrectionaries pursuing a private interest (debt relief) and
had no claim to public protection. See generally David Szatmary, Shays Rebellion
(1980).
Washington sent militia to put down the Whiskey Rebellion in Pennsylvania. No
one in 1794 would have suggested that rebellious Pennsylvania farmers were a
"militia" protected by the Second Amendment, nor is there any evidence that the
rebels invoked the Second Amendment. Michael Bellesiles, Suicide Pact, supra,
at
256. The actions of the rebels were attacked by both leading Federalists and former
Anti-Federalists. See Thomas Slaughter, The Whiskey Rebellion 190-204
(1986);
Saul Cornell, Commonplace or Anachronism, supra.
preserve organized, state-based militias; they did not seek to empower individuals
or small groups of disaffected citizens to take up arms against the established order.
historical precedent for our Bill of Rights. Slip. Op. at 8-9. To the extent British
history is relevant to the Second Amendment, however, it undermines the District
Court's holding.
the largely Protestant Parliament and a succession of Stuart kings allied with
Catholic interests. Parliament finally won the conflict, installing a Protestant king
and adopting a Bill of Rights containing the following: "Whereas the late King
James II did endeavor to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion and the laws
and liberties of this kingdom . . . by raising and keeping a standing army within this
kingdom in time of peace without consent of parliament and ... by causing several
good subjects being Protestants to be disarmed at the same time when papists were
both armed and employed contrary to law, ... [we] declare ... that the raising or
keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with
consent of parliament, is against law; that the subjects which are Protestants may
have arms for their defense suitable to their conditions and as allowed by law...."
Sources of English Constitutional History 600-01 (Carl Stephenson & Frederick
George Marcham eds., 1937).
commanded men-in-arms from the areas under his dominion. The Stuart kings had
wanted a centralized militia with officers appointed by the king. Compare Id. at
486
(reprinting Militia Ordinance of 1642) with Id. at 541 (reprinting Militia Act of
1661). Thus the guarantee was limited to Protestants, and it applied only to arms
"suitable to their conditions" (meaning status in the feudal hierarchy). It explicitly
recognized the numerous common law and statutory restrictions on gun possession
which existed both before and after adoption of the English Bill of Rights. See
Michael Bellesiles, Gun Laws in Early America, supra, at 571-73. The purpose
of
the English Bill of Rights was not to protect individual British citizens' rights to
own weapons but to guarantee that Parliament's noblemen would be able to field
armed forces independent of the crown a concern directly analogous to that of the
American Anti-Federalists who sought to prevent the new central government from
monopolizing military force.
certain type of restraining order from possessing a firearm. This Statute does not
interfere with the states' militia, and therefore cannot be said to violate the Second
Amendment. Cf. Fraternal Order of Police v. United States, 173 F.3d 898
(D.C.
Cir. 1999) ("We suppose Miller would be met by evidence supporting a finding that
the disputed rule would materially impair the effectiveness of a militia, though
perhaps some other showing could suffice. We need not fix the exact form of the
required relationship, however, because FOP has presented no evidence on the
matter at all.")
Second Amendment interest by interfering with the militia, the statute would still not
automatically be invalid. Rather, this Court would then have to determine what
level of government interest would justify imposition on the Second Amendment
right, and whether the Statute meets the appropriate standard.
because the Statute imposes no Second Amendment harm. Under federal law, the
"organized militia [of the United States] . . . consists of the National Guard and the
Naval Militia." 10 U.S.C. § 311(b)(1); see also Perpich v. Dept. of Defense,
496
U.S. 334 (1990). In addition, Appellee's home state of Texas maintains a volunteer
force known as the Texas State Guard, which "exists as part of the state militia
under the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution." Tex. Gov't Code
Ann. § 431.051. The Statute does not apply to possession of weapons by people
serving in the National Guard, the Naval Militia or the Texas State Guard. See 18
U.S.C. § 925(a)(1) ("The provisions of this chapter [which includes the Act] . . .
shall not apply with respect to the . . . possession . . . of any firearm or ammunition
imported for, sold or shipped to, or issued for the use of, the United States or any
department or agency thereof or any State or any department, agency, or political
subdivision thereof.")
Guard, the Naval Militia or the Texas State Guard, it could not be considered to
burden a protected Second Amendment interest. The only conceivable burden
would be that persons prohibited by the Statute from possessing weapons would be
unable to serve in a militia entity. For several reasons, this does not constitute
interference with the militia.
other capacities. Second, the Statute disables a very small number of people from
possessing weapons; its impact on the available pool of militia members is de
minimus. Third, the disability imposed by the Statute is temporary; it vanishes once
the triggering protective order lapses. In this case, moreover, the protective order
that subjected Appellee to the Statute's prohibitions was issued by a Texas court. If
in fact Appellee would be ineligible for service in the Texas National Guard or the
Texas State Guard during the period he is prohibited by the Act from possessing
weapons, this ineligibility was caused by Texas itself.
entity. The National Guard, the Naval Militia and the Texas State Guard are the
only entities that can possibly be considered to constitute the Texas militia. Texas
law specifically prohibits "private" militias. Tex. Gov't Code Ann. § 431.010;
Vietnamese Fisherman's Association v. Ku Klux Klan, 543 F. Supp. 198, 210 (S.D.
Tex. 1982) (Texas Ku Klux Klan not a protected militia under Second Amendment).
affiliated in any way with the National Guard or any other organized state militia
simply cannot count as a Second Amendment harm.
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The Potowmack Institute's amicus brief and other briefs in this case are provided at
.../emeramic.html
The District Court's Opinion Memorandum is at
http://www.txnd.uscourts.gov/PDFs/emerson.pdf
not on behalf of any of the institutions with which these individuals
are affiliated (institutional affiliations [omitted here] are provided for
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Recent additions: NRA's amicus and Wash. Legal Foundation's amicus in Perpich v. DOD (1990); G. Washington's "Sentiments on a Peace Establishment;" Henry Knox, "A Plan for the General Arrangement of the Militia of the United States;" Houston v. Moore (1820), early militia case with opinion by Joseph Story; Texas v. White (1869), Supreme Court rules secession illegal.
The Second Amendment (the "Amendment") reads: "A well regulated
_________________________
"Standard Model," Slip. Op. at 5, which implies that it is espoused by the majority of
constitutional law scholars. Amici deny that this is the case. Perhaps because the Miller view of
the Second Amendment has been settled law for so long, few constitutional law scholars have
published analyses of the Amendment. Among those commentators who have addressed the
Amendment, several have advocated interpretations consistent with this Brief. See, e.g., Carl
Bogus, The Hidden History of the Second Amendment, 31 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 309 (1998);
Id. at
317 n.34 (citing sources); Dennis Henigan, Arms, Anarchy and the Second Amendment, 26 Val.
U.L. Rev. 107 (1991); John Dwight Ingram & Allison Ann Ray, The Right(?) to Keep and Bear
Arms, 27 N.M.L. Rev. 491 (1997); cf. Laurence Tribe, 1 American Constitutional Law 902 (3d
ed. 2000) ("the academic debate over the scope of the Second Amendment is largely irrelevant to
contemporary gun control proposals, which . . . are plainly constitutional"); Akhil Reed Amar,
Second Thoughts, The New Republic, July 12, 1999 at 24 ("A modern translation of the
amendment might thus be: 'An armed and militarily trained citizenry being conducive to freedom,
the right of the electorate to organize itself militarily shall not be infringed.'"). Of particular
I The plain text and legislative history of the Second Amendment
demonstrate that the Amendment protects only the right to "bear Arms"
for the purpose of service in the "Militia," and does not prohibit
Congress from restricting firearm ownership unrelated to militia
service.
_______________________
individual rights theorists as anachronistic. See Saul Cornell, Commonplace or Anachronism, 16
Const. Commentary 221 (1999); Don Higginbotham, The Second Amendment in Historical
Context, 16 Const. Commentary 263 (1999), Michael A. Bellesiles, Suicide Pact: New Readings
of the Second Amendment, 16 Const. Commentary 247 (1999); Garry Wills, To Keep and Bear
Arms, N.Y. Rev. Books, Sept. 21, 1995, at 62; Michael Bellesiles, Gun Laws in Early America,
16 Law and History Review 567 (1998).
A. The framers of the Second Amendment understood the phrase
"bear Arms" to mean possess weapons for military use.
B. The "well regulated Militia" clause of the Second Amendment
shows that the Amendment establishes a "right to keep and bear
Arms" for use in the
militia.
Amendment's fundamentally military meaning. The language "keep and bear Arms" should be
understood as a single term of art, such as "arbitrary and capricious" or "willful, deliberate and
premeditated." To the extent that "keep" has an independent meaning in the Amendment, it
simply precludes a narrow reading of the Amendment that would protect only the possession of
firearms by persons actively engaged in militia duties (permitting, for example, the federal
government to require weapons to be stored in a central depository). By protecting the right to
"keep" as well as "bear" arms, the Amendment ensures that militiamen are able to store their
weapons at home, thus making militia disarmament more difficult.
security of a free State," as the "Well Regulated Militia Clause," and to the language "the right of
the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed" as the "Bear Arms Clause."
C. James Madison's original draft of the Second Amendment and the
First Congress' revisions to that draft confirm that the
Amendment's framers intended to protect only possession of arms
related to militia service.
inserted two unusual commas that further emphasize the framers' intention to prevent federal
interference with the militia. Under ordinary usage, the first and third commas in the Amendment
are unnecessary. If these commas had not been inserted, it would be possible to understand the
Well Regulated Militia Clause as simply explaining the rationale for the Bear Arms Clause (the
Amendment would then read: "A well regulated Militia being necessary to the security of a free
State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be infringed."). But the commas are
in fact in the text proposed by Congress and ratified by the states, and they prevent this reading.
D. The debates surrounding proposal of the Second Amendment show
that the framers of the Amendment intended to prohibit the
federal government from disarming the states' militia and
manifested no intention to protect individual firearm ownership
unrelated to the militia.
verb phrase "shall not be infringed" from the preceding language; it suggests that the subject for
this verb phrase is not simply "the right of the people to keep and bear Arms." The grammatical
effect of these two unusual commas is to link "A well regulated Militia" to "shall not be infringed"
to emphasize, in other words, that the goal of the Amendment is to protect the militia against
federal interference. The Constitution was drafted with great care, and (unlike much legal writing
from the Founding period) its use of punctuation generally conforms to modern conventions,
suggesting that the commas in the Second Amendment are not haphazard but rather deserve
scrupulous attention.
State," into "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State," reflects the
framers' hostility to standing armies, which is discussed in Section I.D, infra. See Documentary
Record, supra, at 184 (statement of Elbridge Gerry in First Congress) ("Mr. Gerry objected to the
first part of the clause, on account of the uncertainty with which it is expressed: A well-regulated
militia being the best security of a free state, admitted an idea that a standing army was a
secondary one.")
New York: "That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that a well-
regulated militia, including the body of the people capable of bearing arms, is
the proper, natural and safe defense of a free state." 1 Elliot's Debates,
supra,
at 328.
well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is
the proper, natural and safe defense of a free state . . . ." 4 Id. at 244.
well-regulated militia, including the body of the people capable of bearing
arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of free state; . . . that standing
armies, in time of peace, are dangerous to liberty, and ought not to be kept
up, except in cases of necessity . . . . That any person religiously scrupulous
of bearing arms ought to be exempted upon payment of an equivalent to
employ another to bear arms in his stead." 1 Id. at 335.
regulated Militia composed of the body of the people trained to arms is the
proper, natural and safe defence of a free State. That standing armies in time
of peace are dangerous to liberty, and therefore ought to be avoided, as far as
as the circumstances and protection of the Community will admit." 3 Id. at 659.
Congress shall never disarm any citizen, unless such as are or have been in
actual rebellion." 1 Id. at 326.
_____________________________
Hampshire's. Slip. Op. at 16. The District Court also refers to proposals in the Pennsylvania and
Massachusetts conventions for broad arms-ownership rights. Id. at 15. These proposals
were
rejected both within their own State ratifying conventions and by the drafters of the Second
Amendment.
of the Second Amendment were certainly familiar with all of the state proposals, as well as state
constitutional provisions (some of which were worded more broadly than the Second
Amendment), and it is reasonable to infer that the decision to model the Amendment on the four
narrower state proposals rather than on New Hampshire's was deliberate. Moreover, it is clear
from the historical record that the First Congress approved the Bill of Rights in direct response to
demands made by the ratifying conventions; in a number of states, Federalist supporters of the
Constitution agreed to support a Bill of Rights in order to secure crucial votes for ratification.
Murray Dry, The Case Against Ratification, in The Framing and Ratification of the Constitution
(Leonard Levy & Dennis Mahoney eds. 1987) at 287.
____________________
Federalist documents and is the only recorded entry in the ratification debates to offer
unambiguously a purpose for the right to bear arms other than protecting the militia reads
in its
E. The militia protected by the Second Amendment were quasi-
governmental bodies organized by the states, not individual
citizens or isolated bands of disaffected insurrectionists.
_______________________
That the people have a right to bear arms for the defence of themselves and their own
state, or the United States, or for the purpose of killing game; and no law shall be passed
disarming the people or any of them, unless for crimes committed, or real danger of public
injury from individuals; and as standing armies in the time of peace are dangerous to
liberty, they ought not to be kept up: and that the military shall be kept under strict
subordination to and be governed
by the civil powers.
Court's opinion. Its breadth shows the comparative narrowness of the Second Amendment.
First, the Pennsylvania proposal's protection of the right to bear arms "for the purpose of killing
game" is unlike every state constitution of its time and every other proposal for amending the
federal Constitution. The fact that the Pennsylvania Minority felt the need to specify the reach of
their proposal suggests that "killing game" would not otherwise have been considered material to
the right to bear arms. Second, the Pennsylvania proposal prohibited disarming either "the
people" or "any of them." By contrast, the Second Amendment speaks only of "the people" in
their collective capacity as militiamen. Finally, even this very broad proposal would have still
permitted the federal government to disarm "individuals" posing a "real danger of public
injury"
just as Congress did in this case by seeking to disarm those who pose a
demonstrable threat of
harming others.
To suppose arms in the hands of citizens, to be used at individual
discretion, except in private self-defense, or by partial orders of towns,
counties or districts of a state, is to demolish every constitution, and lay
the laws prostrate, so that liberty can be enjoyed by no man; it is a
dissolution of the government. The fundamental law of the militia is,
that it be created, directed and commanded by the laws, and ever for
6 Works of John Adams 197 (C. Adams ed. 1851). A group of men did not become
the support of the laws.
______________________
militia does not entail, as the District Court claims it would, turning the right to bear arms into a
"collective right held by the states." Slip. Op. at 10. Indeed, the District Court's analytic
dichotomy between a "'states' rights' or 'collective rights' school [of thought on the Second
Amendment] and the 'individual rights' school," Id. at 6, is a red herring. The Second
Amendment certainly grants an "individual right" in the sense that an individual can rely on the
Second Amendment to challenge a statute that harms him or her. But the fact that individual
Americans benefit from the Second Amendment, and can invoke the judicial power to strike down
laws under the Second Amendment, says nothing about the scope of the right created by the
Amendment. The issue in this case is not whether Appellee has standing to raise a Second
Amendment claim; the issue is whether the Amendment protects Appellee's possession of a
firearm under any circumstances, regardless of its lack of connection to militia service. The text
and history of the Second Amendment make it clear that the Amendment's scope is not nearly so
broad.
F. In crafting the Second Amendment to ensure the vitality of the
militia and protect against standing armies, the framers of the
Amendment built on the precedent
of the English Bill of Rights.
II. Because 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8) has no effect on the states' militia, it does
not violate the Second Amendment.
Respectfully submittted,
David Yassky
Brooklyn Law School
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