The Potowmack Institute
HOME
http://www.potowmack.org/gandhi.html
This file is linked from the file,
"The Quotes, the Quotes"
http://www.potowmack.org/thequotes.html.
A quote advanced to support the armed populace fantasy is from Mohandas
Gandhi, the leader of nonviolent resistance to British rule in India.
His objective of Indedepence was achieved in 1947. Gandhi wrote in
Chapter XXVII, "The Recruiting Campaign," in his autobiography, My
Experiments with Truth:
'Among the many misdeeds of the British
rule in India, history will look upon the
Act depriving a whole nation of
arms as the blackest.
GO TO
"Arms" in this context were military arms not
the personal weapons of private individuals.
The context of "depriving of the whole nation
of arms" was the refusal of the British to conscript
Indians into the British Army during the First
World War. Gandhi was an extreme anti-militarist.
The statement is odd coming out of him, but he
used the circumstance for political purposes to
advance the cause of Home Rule and Independence.
444 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH
was presented, and I agreed to attend the
conference. As regards the Muslim demands I
was to address a letter to the Viceroy.
XXVII
RECRUITING CAMPAIGN
So I attended the conference. The Viceroy
was very keen on my supporting the
resolution about recruiting. I asked for
permission to speak in Hindi-Hiridustani.
The Viceroy acceded to my request, but
suggested that I should speak also in
English. I had no speech to make. I spoke
but one sentence to this effect: 'With a
full sense of my responsibility I beg to
support the resolution.'
Many congratulated me on my having spoken in
Hindustani. That was, they said, the first
instance within living memory of anyone
having spoken in Hindustani at such a
meeting. The congratulations and the
discovery that I was the first to speak in
Hindustani at a Viceregal meeting hurt my
national pride. I felt like shrinking into
myself. What a tragedy that the language of
the country should be taboo in meetings held
in the country, for work relating to the
country, and that a speech there in
Hindustani by a stray individual like myself
should be a matter for congratulation?
Incidents like these are reminders of the
low state to which we have been reduced.
The one sentence that I uttered at the
conference had for me considerable
significance. It was impossible for me to
forget either the conference or the
resolution I supported. There was one
undertaking that I had to fulfil while yet
in Delhi. I had to write a letter to the
Viceroy. This was no easy thing for me. I
felt it my duty both in the interests of the
Government and of the people to explain
therein how and why I attended the
conference, and to state clearly what the
people expected from Government.
In the letter I expressed my regret for the
exclusion from the conference of leaders
like Lokamanya Tilak and
RECRUITING CAMPAIGN 445
the Ali Brothers, and stated the people's
minimum political demand as also the demands
of the Muslims on account of the situation
created by the war. I asked for permission
to publish the letter, and the Viceroy
gladly gave it.
The letter had to be sent to Simla, where
the Viceroy had gone immediately after the
conference. The letter had for me
considerable importance, and sending it by
post would have meant delay. I wanted to
save time, and yet I was not inclined to
send it by any messenger I came across. I
wanted some pure man to carry it and hand it
personally at the Viceregal Lodge.
Dinabandhu Andrews and Principal Rudra
suggested the name of the good Rev. Ireland
of the Cambridge Mission. He agreed to carry
the letter if he might read it and if it
appealed to him as good. I had no objection
as the letter was by no means private. He
read it, liked it and expressed his
willingness to carry out the mission. I
offered him the second class fare, but he
declined it saying he was accustomed to
travelling intermediate. This he did though
it was a night journey. His simplicity and
his straight and plainspoken manner
captivated me. The letter thus delivered at
the hands of a pure-minded man had, as I
thought, the desired result. It eased my
mind and cleared my way.
The other part of my obligation consisted in
raising recruits. Where could I make a
beginning except in Kheda? And whom could I
invite to be the first recruits except my
own co-workers? So as soon as I reached
Nadiad. 1 had a conference with Vallabhbhai
and other friends. Some of them could not
easily take to the proposal. Those who liked
the proposal had misgivings about its
success. There was no love lost between the
Government and the classes to which I wanted
to make my appeal. The bitter experience
they had had of the Government officials was
still fresh in their memory.
And yet they were in favour of starting
work. As soon as I set about my task, my
eyes were opened. My optimism received a
rude shock. Whereas during the revenue
campaign the people readily offered their
carts free of charge,
446 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH
and two volunteers came forth when one was
needed, it was difficult now to get a cart
even on hire, to say nothing of volunteers.
But we would not be dismayed. We decided to
dispense with the use of carts and to do our
journeys on foot. At this rate we had to
trudge about 20 miles a day. If carts were
not forthcoming, it was idle to expect
people to feed us. It was hardly proper to
ask for food. So it was decided that every
volunteer must carry his food in his
satchel. No bedding or sheet was necessary
as it was summer.
We had meetings wherever we went. People did
attend, but hardly one or two would offer
themselves &s recruits. 'You are a votary of
Ahimsa, how can you ask us to take up arms?'
'What good has Government done for India to
deserve our co-operation?' These and similar
questions used to be put to us.
However, our steady work began to tell.
Quite a number of names were registered, and
we hoped that we should be able to have a
regular supply as soon as the first batch
was sent. I had already begun to confer with
the Commissioner as to where the recruits
were to be accommodated.
The Commissioners in every division were
conferences on the Delhi model. One such was
Gujarat. My co-workers and I were invited to
it. We attended, but I felt there was even
less place for me here than at Delhi. In
this atmosphere of servile submission I felt
ill at ease. I spoke somewhat at length. I
could say nothing to please the officials,
and had certainly one or two hard things to
say.
I used to issue leaflets asking people to
enlist as recruits. One of the arguments I
had used was distasteful to the
Commissioner: 'Among the many misdeeds of
the British rule in India, history will look
upon the Act depriving a whole nation of
arms as the blackest. If we want the Arms
Act to be repealed, if we want to learn the
use of arms, here is a golden opportunity.
If the middle classes render voluntary help
to Government in the hour of its trial,
distrust will disappear, and the ban
RECRUITING CAMPAIGN 447
on possessing arms will be withdrawn.' The
Commissioner referred to this and said that
he appreciated my presence in the conference
in spite of the differences between us. And
I had to justify my standpoint as
courteously as I could.
Here is the letter to the Viceroy referred
to above:
-
'As you are aware, after careful
consideration, I felt cons. trained to
convey to Your Excellency that I could not
attend the Conference for reasons stated in
the letter of the 28th Instant (April), but
after the interview you were good enough to
grant me, I persuaded myself to join it, if
for no other cause, then certainly out of my
great regard for yourself. One of my reasons
for abstention and perhaps the strongest was
that Lokamanya Tilak, Mrs. Besant and the
Ali Brothers, whom I regard as among the
most powerful leaders oi public opinion,
were not invited to the Conference. I still
feel that It was a grave blunder not to have
asked them, and I respectfully suggest that
that blunder might be possibly repaired if
these leaders were invited to assist the
Government by giving it the benefit of their
advice at the Provincial Conferences, which
I understand are to follow. I venture to
submit that no Government can afford to
disregard the leaders, who represent the
large masses of the people as these do, even
though they may hold views fundamentally
different. At the same time it gives me
pleasure to be able to say that the views of
all parties were permitted to be freely
expressed at the Committees of the
Conference. For my part, I purposely
refrained
from stating my views at the Committee at
which I had the honour of serving, or at the
Conference itself. I felt that I could best
serve the objects of the Conference by
simply tendering my support to the
resolutions submitted to it, and this I have
done without any reservation. I hope to
translate the spoken word into action as
early as the Government can see its way to
accept my offer, which I am submitting
simultaneously herewith in a separate
letter.
-
'I recognize that in the hour of its danger
we must give, as we have decided to give,
ungrudging and unequivocal support to the
Empire of which we aspire in the near future
to be partners in the same sense as the
Dominions overseas. But it is the simple
truth that our response is due to the
expectation that our goal will be reached
all the more speedily. On that account, even
as performance of duty automatically confers
a corresponding right, people are entitled
to believe that the imminent reforms alluded
to in your speech will embody the main
general principles of the Congress-League
Scheme, and I am sure that it is this
448 MY EXPERIMENTS WITH TRUTH
faith which has enabled many members of the
Conference to tender to the Government their
full-hearted co-operation.
-
'If I could make my countrymen retrace their
steps, I would make them withdraw all the
Congress resolutions, and not whisper “Home
Rule" or “Responsible Government" during the
pendency of the War. I would make India
offer all her able-bodied sons as a
sacrifice to the Empire at its critical
moment, and I know that India, by this very
act, would become the most favoured partner
in the Empire, and racial distinctions would
become a thing of the past. But practically
the whole of educated India has decided to
take a less effective course, and it is no
longer possible to say that educated India
does not exercise any influence on the
masses. I have been coming into most
intimate touch with the ryots ever since my
return from South Africa to India, and I
wish to assure you that the desire for Home
Rule has widely penetrated them. I was
present at the sessions of the last
Congress, and I was a party to the
resolution that full Responsible Government
should be granted to British India within a
period to be fixed definitely by a
Parliamentary Statute. I admit that it is a
bold step to take, but I feel sure that
nothing less than a definite vision of Home
Rule to be realized in the shortest possible
time will satisfy the Indian people. I know
that there are many in India who consider no
sacrifice as too great in order to achieve
the end, and they are wakeful enough to
realize that they must be equally prepared
to sacrifice themselves for the Empire in
which they hope and desire to reach their
final status. It follows then that we can
but accelerate our journey to the goal by
silently and simply devoting ourselves heart
and soul to the work of delivering the
Empire from the threatening danger. It will
be national suicide not to recognize this
elementary truth. We must perceive that, if
we serve to save the Empire, we have in that
very act secured Home Rule.
-
Whilst, therefore, it is clear to me that we
should give to the Empire every available
man for its defence, I fear that I cannot
say the same thing about financial
assistance. My intimate intercourse with the
ryots convinces me that India has already
donated to the Imperial Exchequer beyond her
capacity. I know that in making this
statement I am voicing the opinion ,of the
majority of my countrymen.
-
'The Conference means for me, and I believe
for many of us, a definite step in the
consecration of our lives to the common
cause, but ours is a peculiar position. We
are today outside the partnership. Ours is
a consecration based on hope of better future.
I should be untrue to you and to my country
if I did not clearly and unequivocally tell
you what that hope is. I do not bargain
RECRUITING CAMPAIGN 449
for its fulfilment, but you shou1d know that
disappointment of
hope means disillusion.
-
'There is one thing I may not omit. You have
appealed, to us to sink domestic
differences. If the appeal involves the
toleration of tyranny and wrongdoing on the
part of officials, I am powerless to
respond. I shall resist organized tyranny to
the uttermost. The appeal must be to the
officials that they do not ill-treat a
single soul, and that they consult and
respect popular opinion as never before. In
Champaran by resisting an age-long tyranny I
have shown the ultimate sovereignty of
British justice. In Kheda a population that
was cursing the Government now feels that
it, and not the Government, is the power
when it is prepared to suffer for the truth
it represents. It is, therefore, losing its
bitterness and is saying to itself that the
Government must be a Government for people,
for it tolerates orderly and respectful
disobedience where injustice is felt. Thus
Champaran and Kheda affairs are my direct,
definite and special contribution to the
War. Ask me to suspend my activities in that
direction and you ask me to suspend my life.
If I could popularize the use of soul-force,
which is but another name for love-force, in
place of brute force, I know that I could
present you with an India that could defy
the whole world to do its worst in season
and out of season, therefore, I shall
discipline myself to express in my life this
eternal law of suffering, and present it for
acceptance to those who care, and if I take
part in any other activity, the motive is to
show the matchless superiority of that law.
-
'Lastly, I would like you to ask His
Majesty's Ministers to give definite
assurance about Mohammedan States. I am sure
you know that every Mohammedan is deeply
interested in them. As a Hindu, I cannot be
indifferent to their cause. Their sorrows
must he our sorrows. Tn the most scrupulous
regard for the rights of those States and
for the Muslim sentiment as to their places
of worship, and your just and timely
treatment of India's claim to Home Rule lies
the safety of the Empire. I write this,
because I love the English nation, and I
wish to evoke in every Indian the loyalty of
Englishmen.'
© Potowmack Institute